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Scientific concept of Imperialism- Economic definition of imperialism

Scientific Concept of Imperialism 

Economic definition of imperialism

The economic essence of imperialism lies in the replacement of free competition by the domination of monopolies. The main features and requirements of the basic economic law of monopoly capitalism are as follows:

“ensuring the maximum capitalist profit through the exploitation, ruin and impoverishment of the majority of the population of a given country, through the enslavement and systematic robbery of the peoples of other countries, especially backward countries, and finally, through wars and the militarization of the national economy used to ensure the highest profits.” (19)

Imperialism, or monopoly capitalism, is the highest and last stage in the development of the capitalist mode of production. The transition from premonopoly capitalism to monopoly capitalism taking place during the last third of the 19th century, finally took shape by the beginning of the 20th century.

“Thus, the basic economic law of capitalism the law of surplus value in the period of imperialism further developed and concretized.” Under premonopoly capitalism the dominance of free competition led to an equalization of the rate of profit of individual capitalists, under imperialism the monopolies ensure for themselves a monopolistically high, maximum profit. It is the maximum profit that is the engine of monopoly capitalism.” (31)

It is important to note here that “Monopolies” generally refer to single entities controlling the entire market for a given particular goods or services. “Trusts”, “cartels” etc., refer to combination of companies controlling the substantial portion of market for goods and services. Financial oligarchy rules trusts; the financial oligarchy rules the country.  

“The objective conditions for obtaining maximum profits are created by the establishment of the dominance of monopolies in certain branches of production. At the stage of imperialism, the concentration and centralization of capital reached  its highest degree. Because of this, the expansion of production required huge capital investments. The fierce competitive struggles between gigantic enterprises brought about the dominance of finance capital in monopolization of industries.  The pursuit of maximum profit by the monopolies lead to an extreme aggravation of all the contradictions of capitalism. ” (31)

Lenin in his article “The Impending Catastrophe and How to Combat It”, stated; ”Everybody talks about imperialism. But imperialism is merely monopoly capitalism…” In his book Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism, Lenin details its definition of imperialism that includes the basic features:

(1) the concentration of production and capital developed to such a high stage that it has created monopolies which play a decisive role in economic life;

(2) the merging of bank capital with industrial capital, and the creation, on the basis of this “finance capital,” of a financial oligarchy;

(3) the export of capital as distinguished from the export of commodities acquires exceptional importance.” (3)

I have removed the 4th and 5th definition in this section for it was related to the “imperialists” of that given era which cannot be applied to new era for the purpose of defining new “imperialists”. Due to the law of uneven economic development new “imperialist” countries (in its economic definition)  emerge against the old-victorious ones. As Stalin noted; “The redistribution of the world and spheres of influence, carried out as a result of the last imperialist war, has already managed to become "obsolete". Some new countries have come forward.. A furious struggle is going on for sales markets, for markets for the export of capital, for sea and land roads to these markets, for a new redivision of the world… the growth of all these contradictions means the growth of the crisis of world capitalism, despite the fact of stabilization, a crisis incomparably deeper than the crisis before the last imperialist war… It is not surprising that imperialism is preparing for a new war, seeing in it the only way to resolve this crisis.” (16) 

As far as condition 3 is concerned, one has to pay attention and make the distinction between exporting goods, services and exporting capital- money flowing out of the country for investments, loans, or other capital flows. Based on this condition,  one easily can  end up labeling Japan, Norway and so many new developed countries with their monopoly capitalist industries as “imperialist”. They are “economically” imperialists who plunder under the military and political shadow of  “Imperialists” in its scientific term. So, they are not really imperialist in their combined definition. Similarly, one should come to the conclusion that the US is not an imperialist country because while historically, once the U.S. was a dominant capital exporter, it is now a significant capital importer. In this sense even the 3rd condition is not sufficient enough to determine if a country is imperialist or not.

Although not contradicting Lenin, arguments made that “what differs from Lenin’s era is that the development of information and communications technologies, foreign direct investment and international trade and industrial transfers have reached new heights, to the degree of internationalization of production and circulation overshadowing the past. The capital is being redistributed globally from production to circulation. This brought about concentration of capital and lead to multinational finance capital corporations. These corporations developed links with the rest of the finance capital and formed financial monopoly organizations. They controlled and run the international production, trade, banking, transactions and exchange values. They have shaped the world economic and political system aligned with their needs in order to eliminate any barriers whether it be a country or an institution-organisation.

Lenin had  foreseen this development and had stated that ; “we see the rapid expansion of a close network of channels which cover the whole country, centralizing all capital and all revenues, transforming thousands and thousands of scattered economic enterprises into a single national, capitalist, and then into a world capitalist economy. (1)

Contrary to the bourgeois liberal and neo-communist arguments, the essence of imperialism is unchanged. The substance still remains to be the  monopoly capital’s domination. The change is only its forms and methods evolved. It is not a “new stage” of imperialism in its essence but a higher stage with the same essence. It does not break Lenin’s framework but deepens it. In this higher stage it accelerates capital export (Lenin’s Feature 3) through the Internationalization of Production, finance capital (Feature 2) unshackles  from national borders. Modern iterations of "international monopolist combines" digital cartels (Feature 4) first among the existing (previous) imperialists and due to the uneven economic development law the newly emerged ones gradually forms their own. In this higher stage, political supremacy is carried out via Digital and Financial Tools through the control of international institutions like SWIFT.

This process of reaching a higher stage  has been realized through Merging Finance capital with industries which necessitated the formation of State capitalism and the militarization of industry, and developing its economy in war footing. That development helped to create and  followed by Internationalization of Finance and Financial Institutions.

State Capitalism

From the Marxist point of view, the state is nothing but the most general organization of the ruling classes. The epoch of finance capitalism creates specific relations both within and between states.

“In the beginning the state is the sole organization of the ruling class. Then other organizations begin to spring up, their numbers multiplying especially in the epoch of finance capitalism. The state is transformed from the sole organization of the ruling class into one of its organizations, its distinction being that it has the most general character of all such organizations. Finally, the third stage arrives, in which the state swallows up these organizations and once more becomes the sole universal organization of the ruling class, with an internal, technical division of labor. The once-independent organizational groupings become the divisions of a gigantic state mechanism.” (28)

“As the power of individual capitalist organizations grows stronger, as their influence expands, competition in the world market becomes more and more fierce and destructive. Each of the competing parties starts  relying on the resources of entire countries and, moreover, acts hand in hand with powerful state organizations. On the world market, as well as on national markets, the struggle between powerful capitalist trusts is waged along three main lines: 1) the struggle for markets,2) struggle for raw material markets, 3) the struggle for capital investment markets.

These competitions are closely connected with each other and represent the three sides of the single capitalist competition. Competition  transferring  to the world market, leads to the transformation of “peaceful” competition into a competition where the force is used, lead to the birth of imperialism as an inevitable policy of modern states.” (32)

The organizational process, which embraces more and mere branches of the “national economy” through the creation of combined enterprises and through the organizational role of the banks, has led to the conversion of each developed “national system” of capitalism into a “state-capitalist trust.”[30]

“On the other hand, the process of development of the productive forces of the world economy drives these “national” systems into the most acute conflicts in their competitive struggle for the world market. These two basic facts of contemporary capitalist reality provide us with the key to understanding the “state” tendencies of contemporary finance capitalism. Why was the bourgeoisie really so individualistic in the past? Principally because the basic category of economic life was the private-economic unit, which confronts all the others as a competitor. The interrelation of people, or the internal structure of the bourgeoisie as a class, was analogous to this interrelation among enterprises. As a class the bourgeoisie came out against the proletariat. But internally, within the limits of the class itself, each member stood opposed to the other as a competitor. Each hoped to unseat his opponent by relying upon his own forces, the interplay between them being positive for the “whole.” But it was not only separate enterprises and individual people who emerged as the bearers of individualism. The division of the ruling classes into different groups also played an analogous role: above all the division into a landed and an industrial bourgeoisie, followed by lesser divisions between the representatives of raw material production and manufacturers, commercial and usurer capital, etc. The epoch of finance capital puts an end to this state of affairs, the contradiction between different subgroups of the ruling classes also largely disappears. By collaborating with one another, almost every category of the bourgeoisie is transformed into the recipients of dividends, the category of interest becoming the general form of expression for all so-called “nonlabor incomes.” The holy of holies for every bourgeois (and landlord) becomes the bank to which he and his kind are tied by a thousand threads.

Thus, a system of collective capitalism is created, which to a certain extent is opposed to the entire structure of capitalism in its earlier forms. The financial oligarchy rules the trusts; financial oligarchy rules the country. A multitude of various types of bourgeois organizations emerges, and they overlap one another in the most diverse realms. The separate representatives of the ruling classes take their seats in different cells, which grow within definite limits, work out the collective will, and pose and resolve common tasks. Finally, the requirements of imperialist development compel bourgeois society to mobilize all of its forces, to extend its organization throughout the broadest possible context: the state absorbs into itself the whole multitude of bourgeois organizations. ’(28)    

In total contrast to the state in the epoch of industrial capitalism, the imperialist state is characterized by an extraordinary increase in the complexity of its functions and by an impetuous incursion into the economic life of society. It reveals a tendency to take over the whole productive sphere and the whole sphere of commodity circulation. Intermediate types of mixed enterprises will be replaced by pure state regulations, for in this way the centralization process can advance further. All the members of the ruling classes , (or more accurately, of the ruling class, for finance capitalism gradually eliminates the different subgroups of the ruling classes, uniting them in a single finance-capitalist clique) become shareholders, or partners in a gigantic state-enterprise - Imperialist State. From being the preserver and defender of exploitation, the state is transformed into a single, centralized, exploiting organization that is confronted directly by the proletariat, the object of exploitation. A hierarchically constructed bureaucracy fulfils the organizing functions in complete accord with the military authorities, whose significance and power steadily grow. The national economy is absorbed into the state, which is constructed in a military fashion and has at its disposal an enormous, disciplined army and navy. (28)

Thus, state capitalism is the completed form of state-capitalist trust. The process of organization gradually removes the anarchy of separate components of the “national-economic” mechanism, placing the whole of economic life under the iron heel of the militaristic state.

Summarizing Lenin’s description of  Imperialism’s Parasitic Evolution to its highest stage; it has gone through;  1) the emergence of industrial monopolies, monopolization stage, 2) merging of Banks with industry, Finance Capital Fusion, 3) moving factories abroad, deindustrialization of home economies, Capital Export, 4) funding  arms production to absorb surplus and project power, Militarized Reproduction, 5) detachment of capital from production, living off speculation, debt, and rent, Financial Parasitism. Formation of a "rentier state" as visibly seen in  current  U.S. and UK.

Lets summarize it;

Deindustrialization and emergence of Military- Tech- Service industry as primary industries

The triad of deindustrialization, militarization of industry, and internationalization of finance capital represents the logical evolution of monopoly capitalism in its imperialist stage, as analyzed by Lenin and later Marxists.

Deindustrialization isn't an  accidental development  but stems from finance capital's pursuit of higher returns abroad. 
Monopolies shift industrial capital to the Global South for cheaper labor, weaker regulations, and higher returns; the process of capital export for higher profits as witnessed  in U.S. manufacturing moving to other low labor cost  countries who also offer appealing concessions .

Financialization of economy reflects itself in Finance capital’s  prioritizing in quick and high return  speculative activities (stocks, derivatives, real estate) over long term low return productive investments. In general profits from manufacturing is  3–5%, profits from finance is 15–20%

Militarization of economy compensates for industrial decline by creating guaranteed markets for monopolies. Internationalized finance completes this trifecta by detaching capital from national productive bases.

Lenin foresaw this trajectory. He said that "imperialism is parasitic, decaying capitalism moving toward universal crisis." The deindustrialization-militarization-financialization triad represents capitalism’s retreat from productive progress, It relies more  on force and fraud to sustain profits.

Conclusion for the section

It is the hegemony of the US based finance capital over these centralized finance capital and financial monopoly organizations and its currency that makes the US an imperialist country in its economic definition ; not because it exports capital. Under these conditions of international finance capital monopoly, its hegemony and control,  any “export of capital” by any other country, regardless of its amount, does not make any country “imperialist” (in its scientific meaning)  even in some case,  in its economic sense, as long as the  hegemony and control of the US based finance capital reigns over the entire trade and banking transactions. At best we may call them sub-imperialist countries fitting only the economic definition of the term.

It is the deindustrialization and military industry of the US  and its foreign policy directly related to its needs for the plunder of the natural resources of other countries and the need for a  world that is constantly unstable due to conflicts and wars in order to feed itself that makes up the “political definition” of imperialism.

“Capitalist society” says Bukharin, “is unthinkable without armaments, as it is unthinkable without wars. And just as it is true that not low prices cause competition but, on the contrary, competition causes low prices, it is equally true that not the existence of arms is the prime cause and the moving force in wars (although wars are obviously impossible without arms) but, on the contrary, the inevitableness of economic conflicts conditions the existence of arms. This is why in our times, when economic conflicts have reached an unusual degree of intensity, we are witnessing a mad orgy of armaments. Thus the rule of finance capital implies both; imperialism (in its economic sense E.A)  and militarism (in its political sense E.A). In this sense militarism is no less a typical historic phenomenon than finance capital itself… even where there are relatively equal economic structures..” (3) 

As a conclusion, to determine and label a country as imperialist  solely relying on the economic definition of imperialism divorced from its political definition  is not a Marxist Leninist approach, but an infantile one, or at best,  some one who is oblivious to dialectics of Marxism, and Marxist-Leninist theories.

Lets study the “political” definition of imperialism starting with “militarization and war”.

Political definition  of Imperialism

Converting a “peacetime economy” into a “war economy”

Using force for subjugation and plunder as an inevitable policy

Bellicose imperialism and war

Historical Types of Imperialist wars in modern times

Wars during the time of Marx and Engels and their attitudes

First World War – Lenin’s time and his attitude to the war

Second World War – Stalin's time and his attitude to the war

Conclusion

Attachments

How the imperialist wars in our technologic era differs in its forms?

Based on the scientific concept of imperialism, Is China an imperialist country?

 

Notes

*  Lenin, Preface to N. Bukharin’s Pamphlet, Imperialism, and the World Economy

(1) Lenin, Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism

(2) Stalin, 7th Extended Plenary Session of the ICCI

(3) Bukharin, Imperialism and World Economy

(4) Lenin, “The Impending Catastrophe and How to Combat It”

(5) Lenin, Address To The Second All-Russia Congress Of Communist Organisations Of The Peoples of The East

(6) Lenin, Bellicose Militarism, and the Anti-Militarist Tactics of Social-Democracy

(7) Lenin, Lenin Socialism and War

(8) Lenin, Lenin, Junius Pamphlet

(9) Lenin, Extraordinary Seventh Congress of the R.C.P.(B.)

(10) Lenin, Report On Foreign Policy

(11) Lenin, Left-wing Communism, an Infantile Disorder. No Compromises?

(12) Stalin, Interview Roy Howard, March 1, 1936

(13) Stalin, Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)

(14) Stalin, The Allied Campaign in Africa Answers to Associated Press Moscow Correspondent

(15) Stalin, To President Roosevelt

(16) Stalin, Speech at Celebration Meeting of the Moscow Soviet of Working People’s Deputies and Moscow Party and Public Organizations

(17) Stalin, Interview to “Pravda” Correspondent Concerning Mr. Winston Churchill’s Speech at Fulton, March 1946

(18) Stalin, interview with correspondent of Pravda, February 16, 1951

(19) Stalin, Economic Problems of the USSR, 1951

(20) Lenin, The Tasks of the Youth Leagues

(21) Lenin, The Proletarian Revolution, and the Renegade Kautsky

(22) Lenin, Conspectus of Hegel’s Book Lectures On the History of Philosophy, 1915

(23) Lenin, The Russian Brand of Südekum, February 1, 1915

(24) Lenin, Speech At A Meeting In Butyrsky District

(25) Stalin, On the results of the July Plenum of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks

(26) Stalin, 7" Extended Plenary Session of the ICCI

(27) Lenin, The Tasks of the Youth Leagues

(28) Bukharin, Toward a Theory of the Imperialist State

(29) Lenin, Address To The Second All-Russia Congress Of Communist Organisations Of The Peoples of The East

(30) Lenin, Lecture on the Proletariat, and War

(31) Basic Economic Law of Monopoly Capitalism, 1954

(32) A. Koh, Finance capital, Imperialism and War 1927

(33) Lenin, Letters on Tactics

(34) E. Varga, Economic causes and consequences of the World War

(35) Lenin, Under false flag

(36)  Stalin, Report on the Work of the Central Committee to the Eighteenth Congress of the C.P.S.U.(B.)

(37) Stalin, The Allied Campaign in Africa Answers to Associated Press Moscow Correspondent

(38) Stalin, To President Roosevelt

(39)  Stalin, Speech at Celebration Meeting of the Moscow Soviet of Working People’s Deputies and Moscow Party and Public Organizations

(40) Bukharin, Means of Competitive Struggle, and State Power

(41) Stalin, The Question of Peace and Security

(42)  Lenin, Guerrilla Warfare

(43)  Lenin, Plekhanov's Reference to History

(44)  Lenin, A Caricature of Marxism and Imperialist Economism - What Is Economic Analysis?

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